President Dwight D. Eisenhower was determined to solve “the fearful atomic dilemma” by finding some way by which “the miraculous inventiveness of man” would not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life. In his Atoms for Peace speech before the United Nations General Assembly on December 8, 1953, President Eisenhower sought to solve this terrible problem by suggesting a means to transform the atom from a scourge into a benefit for mankind. Although not as well known as his warning about the “military industrial complex,” voiced later in his farewell radio and television address to the American people, President Eisenhower’s Atoms for Peace speech embodied his most important nuclear initiative as President. From it sprang a panoply of peaceful atomic programs. With it President Eisenhower placed the debate over the control of nuclear science and technology, which had largely been the province of government officials and contractors, squarely before the public. Indeed, the present public controversy over nuclear technology and its role in American society can be traced back to President Eisenhower’s determination that control of nuclear science was an issue for all Americans.
The Atoms for Peace speech reflected the President’s deep concern about “Atoms for War.” The escalating nuclear arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union, which included the development of thermonuclear bombs, brought President Eisenhower to the United Nations. Since Hiroshima the destructive power of nuclear weapons had increased dramatically. Nuclear weapons technology, thus far a product of American expertise, would also eventually enter the arsenals of the Soviet Union through the normal processes of technological development. President Eisenhower felt a moral imperative to warn the American people and the world of this new reality.
Rapid strides in nuclear weapons in nuclear weapons technology had begun at the end of World War II. In 1945 the two atomic bombs dropped on Japan had killed an estimated 106,000 people and had injured approximately 110,000 others. The larger of the two, the Nagasaki bomb, had released the explosive equivalent of 23,000 tons of TNT. In 1948 the United States had tested even larger atomic bombs in the Pacific, and by 1949 the Soviet Union had achieved its own nuclear capability with the detonation of a nuclear device. In response to the Soviet atomic bomb program, the United States had embarked upon a crash program to develop an even larger weapon, the hydrogen bomb, which promised explosive power in the range of millions of tons of TNT. The United States successfully detonated a hydrogen device in November 1952; just a few days before Eisenhower won the presidency. The awesome 10-megaton blast had destroyed the test island of Elugelab, creating an underwater crater 1,500 yards in diameter. With it the United States and the world entered the thermonuclear age.
Atoms for Peace Draft [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 30, "Atoms for Peace - Evolution (5)"; NAID #12021574]
Memorandum regarding "Operation Candor," July 22, 1953 [White House Office, National Security Council Papers, PSB Central Files Series, Box 17, PSB 091.4 U.S. (2); NAID #12021612]
Memorandum, Charles Norberg to H.S. Craig regarding "Project Candor and the Soviet H Bomb," August 10, 1953 [White House Office, National Security Council Staff Papers, PSB Central Files Series, Box 17, PSB 091.4 U.S. (2); NAID #12021614]
Memorandum, Lewis Strauss to president, re proposal of nuclear sharing, September 17, 1953 [DDE’s Papers as President, Administration Series, Box 5, Atoms for Peace; NAID #12022697]
Newsclipping, Washington Post, "Eisenhower Pushes Operation Candor," September 21, 1953 [Charles Masterson Papers, Box 1, Operation Candor; NAID #12022743]
Memorandum of Conversation regarding Bermuda Meeting, December 4, 1953 [DDE's Papers as President, International Meetings Series, Box 1, Bermuda-State Dept Report-Top Secret; NAID #12022750]
Memorandum of Meeting regarding Bermuda, December 5, 1953 [DDE's Papers as President, International Meetings Series, Box 1, Bermuda-State Dept Report-Top Secret; NAID #12022753]
Press Release, "Atoms for Peace" Speech, December 8, 1953 [DDE's Papers as President, Speech Series, Box 5, United Nations Speech 12/8/53]
Press Wire, Chronology of Soviet Bloc Reaction to Eisenhower's U.N. Speech, December 14, 1953 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 100, Speech Texts 1953 (1); NAID #12022765]
General Outline for Agronsky Program, December 16, 1953 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 100, Speech Texts 1953 (1); NAID #12022766]
Letter, President Eisenhower to friend Swede Hazlett, December 24, 1953 (pages 4 and 5 only) [DDE's Papers as President, Name Series, Box 18, Swede Hazlett 1953 (1); NAID #12022790]
Memorandum, President Eisenhower to C.D. Jackson, December 31, 1953 [DDE's Papers as President, DDE Diary Series, Box 4, DDE Diary December 1953 (1); NAID #12022923]
Operations Coordinating Board Working Draft, February 4, 1954 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atoms for Peace-Evolution (1); NAID #12022773]
Preliminary Proposal for an International Organization to Further the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, June 8, 1954 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atomic Industrial Forum; NAID #12022796]
Letter, Asst. Director for Legislative Reference to President Eisenhower on H.R. 9757 "To amend the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 . . ." [White House Office, Records Officer Reports to the President on Pending Legislation, Box 40, Appr. 8/30/54; NAID #12023025]
Letter, Charles Robbins to C.D. Jackson, September 15, 1954 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atomic Industrial Forum; NAID #12022799]
Chronology of Atoms for Peace Project, September 30, 1954 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atoms for Peace-Evolution (1); NAID #12022913]
Letter, C.D. Jackson to Merlo Pusey, Washington Post, February 5, 1955 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atoms for Peace-Evolution (1); NAID #12022916]
Memorandum from Theodore Repplier, Advertising Council, August 3, 1955 [DDE's Papers as President, Administration Series, Box 30, Nelson Rockefeller 1952-55 (3); NAID #12022932]
President Eisenhower's Reaction to the Repplier Proposal, August 3, 1955 [DDE's Papers as President, Administration Series, Box 30, Nelson Rockefeller 1952-55 (3); NAID #12022935]
Letter, Ann Whitman (President Eisenhower's personal secretary) to Marie McCrum (C.D. Jackson's personal secretary), January 27, 1956 [C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 29, Atoms for Peace-Evolution (1); NAID #12022925]
Letter, President Eisenhower to Winston Churchill, April 27, 1956 [DDE's Papers as President, DDE Diary Series, Box 14, April 1956 Miscellaneous (1); NAID #12022974]
Soon after his inauguration, President Dwight D. Eisenhower realized that the rapid development of nuclear weapons after World War II was leading the world on a path to destruction. In order to persuade the American people to accept steps towards arms control, he felt it was essential that they were told the true magnitude of the destructive power that had been developed. In his Atoms for Peace speech to the United Nations on December 8, 1945, Eisenhower combined that warning with a hopeful plan for turning atomic energy into a benefit to mankind.The bombing of Hiroshima, Japan, on August 6, 1945, ushered in the atomic age of weaponry. Sole possession of such weapons remained with the United States until August 29, 1949, when the Soviet Union exploded its own atomic bomb. In response, the United States began a crash program to develop a hydrogen bomb. The first such thermonuclear device was tested at Enewetak Atoll, a small island in the South Pacific, on November 1, 1952. The blast vaporized the atoll and left a crater in the sea bed more than a mile wide. The energy release was estimated at 10.6 megatons of TNT, about 750 times that of the Hiroshima bomb.
Concerned about the growth of both the Soviet and American nuclear arsenals, Secretary of State Dean Acheson established the General Advisory Committee to discuss new approaches to nuclear disarmament and control. J. Robert Oppenheimer, the original scientist from the Manhattan Project, was made its head. After more than half a year of deliberations, the Oppenheimer panel presented its report on January 15, 1953, just before Eisenhower`s inauguration.
The report offered several observations. It declared that due to the great increase in the production of fissile materials by both sides, it was no longer practical to verify a nuclear disarmament treaty because of the difficulty in accounting for all the material that had been produced. It further concluded that a danger existed that the Soviet Union might deliver a "knock-out blow" to the United States, even with the strong defenses erected against them. Efforts to curtail the arms race were important, and the general public would have to be advised of the dangers of the situation in order to enlist their support.The committee recommended that the administration advise the public of the looming crisis, release information concerning its existing arsenal, and begin discussions with the Soviet Union on nuclear arms control. Eisenhower gave the task of writing the required speech to C. D. Jackson, who had developed drafts of the address when the Soviet Union announced its own H-bomb test on August 29, 1953.
Within the administration, opponents of Operation Condor, as the speech had been dubbed, now opined that any honest description of the situation would traumatize the public. Eisenhower also realized that a grim depiction would require an offsetting element of hope. To this end, he developed the idea of a "uranium bank." The world`s total available supply of fissile material was considered to be a limiting factor on the growth of nuclear arsenals. Eisenhower decided that if both sides would contribute substantial amounts to a depository, under international control and dedicated to peaceful purposes, it would produce arms control without necessitating inspections that the Soviet Union would be unlikely to accept.
After consulting with the British and French and obtaining their support, Eisenhower arranged for an address to the U.N. General Assembly. On December 6, 1953, he addressed an audience of some 3,500 people. He began by making clear the power of America`s nuclear arsenal. He then provided a graphic description of the future of the world if the two atomic colossi continued on their collision course.
The dark warnings were followed by a hopeful alternative. Eisenhower proposed that both parties draw on their stockpiles of fissile materials to make contributions to an International Atomic Energy Agency, which would be connected to the United Nations. This material would be used by the agency to promote the peaceful pursuits of mankind, applying it to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. Nuclear power would bring electricity to power-starved areas of the world. By finding peaceful uses for the atom, the inventiveness of man would be dedicated to life rather than death.
The Atoms for Peace speech was greeted warmly in all quarters. Unfortunately, the only part of the proposal that came into being was for nuclear knowledge to be spread around the world, and then only after some substantial modifications were made. Enthusiasm for the prospects of nuclear power generation led such corporations as Westinghouse and General Electric to ask for an end to the federal government`s monopoly of atomic knowledge and material. As a result, the McMahon Act was amended in 1954 to allow private companies to share that previously forbidden fruit.
In addition, bilaterally negotiated agreements between the United States and various countries bypassed the International Atomic Energy Agency. The uranium bank concept was never seriously accepted by the Soviet Union, who was willing to make a token contribution, but not enough to impact their weapons programs. In addition, it was agreed that the plutonium created as a byproduct of reactors would remain entirely in the possession of the country operating them.
While it is unquestionable that many useful applications of atomic science were developed over the following decades, the expansion of knowledge combined with the wide distribution of materials created exactly the situation that the Acheson-Lilienthal Report concluded in 1946 would lead to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The danger to world peace, posed by the nuclear ambitions of "rogue states" and non-states, may have been significantly increased by the Atoms for Peace program.
---- Selected Quotes ----
Quotes regarding Atoms for Peace.
By Dwight D. Eisenhower
The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.
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